Attached is a copy of the chart that was handed out in class. Please analyze and infer from the data the impact of major Cold War events upon military spending. I would suggest you also remember who was president during each of these years. Remember that an event could actually be from the previous year before it impacts budgetary items. You may write the analysis as annotations, and this is due the next time class meets. Remember, I am no longer accepting late assignments (not even photographs of the completed assignments!), so make sure you have it with you.
Archive for the ‘Cold War’ Category
Meanwhile, on the home front, support for the war– and for the draft– waned, and protests started increasing by 1967 as Johnson’s policies as guided by Defense Secretary McNamara escalated the American presence in the fighting.
After the Paris Peace Talks were concluded in 1973, POWs were released by the North Vietnamese. Here is a link to a news article of how Lt. Col. Stirm’s family was changed after this famous photo.
The picture above is famous, and the picture below includes someone famous now.
Some of us wore bracelets with the names of POWs and MIAs during the war. I had one as a child, (but not this one). I seem to recall that if the person on your bracelet was recovered their bracelet could be sent to them so that they would know that people had been thinking of them.
John F. Kennedy, January 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom — symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning — signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the State, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans — born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage — and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to whichwe are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge — and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do — for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom — and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required — not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge — to convert our good words into good deeds — in a new alliance for progress — to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign States, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support — to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective — to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak — and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course — both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew — remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms — and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah — to “undo the heavy burdens. . . and to let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again — not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are — but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation” — a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and south, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it — and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.
Three days before leaving office, Eisenhower warns against heedless pursuit of weaponry. Only a former general of Eisenhower’s stature could have said this and not been criticized for weakness.
“Beating ploughshares into swords” is a Biblical reference (Isaiah 2:4 and Joel 3:10). A plow has a blade, and a sword has a blade, but one if used for peace, while the other is used for war. Beating ploughshares into swords means preparing for war. Beating swords into ploughshares means giving up war.
First here is a good site with a nice overview: http://www.cddc.vt.edu/host/atomic/atmosphr/index.html
The largest explosion ever unleashed by the US was the 15 megaton explosion called Castle Bravo.
The blast was far more powerful than scientists had anticipated, and fallout landed on inhabited parts of Bikini Atoll and on fishermen on a Japanese tuna boat whose name was, ironically, the “5th Lucky Dragon.”
And how Lucky was the Lucky Dragon? Here is an outstanding National History Day video created by a student named Lauren White in Maryland:
And the quest to limit nuclear weapons continues even in 2010. One of you all sent me this link:
A National History Day project (prepared by students your age) on McCarthy’s history of self-aggrandizement and mirepresentation. Very well done.
Good review for your test….
A nice review of the Cold War’s beginnings.
About the containment policy.
On the spread of Communism outside of Europe.
On Khrushchev and his relationship with Eisenhower and Kennedy, and the attempts for “peaceful coexistence.”
In 1955, President Eisenhower proposed to Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev an “Open Skies” policy, which would allow overflights by surveillance aircraft over both countries to try to build more trust and allow each country to de-escalate their rampant buildup of nuclear weapons in the fear that one country had more nuclear weapons than the other. Khrushchev “shot this idea down.” (Sorry!!! No, I’m not.) The US had by this time developed the U-2 spy plane (nicknamed “the Dragon Lady”) throughout Lockheed Aircraft’s top-secret “Skunk Works” facility. The US went ahead and began using the U-2 to attempt to determine the number and location of Soviet nuclear weapons, both inside the USSR and other Soviet-controlled territory, such as (later on) Cuba. It proved that there was no “bomber gap” between the US and USSR, which was a serious fear in the mid-1950s.
This is what a U-2 looked like:
Notice its glider-like appearance. The wings were so long they had their own landing gear at the tips so that they wouldn’t drag during take-off. These landing gear, called “pogo sticks” fell off t save weight when the plane took off. When the plane landed, skids on the tips of the wings protected the plane from having its wings torn off. The U-2 could cruise over 12 miles above the earth to try to protect the pilots from SAMs, or surface-to-air missiles, which could not reach that altitude. The pilots wore basically a pressurized space suit and breathed pure oxygen through a mask on their helmets while flying. The planes used specially developed cameras designed under the direction Edwin Land (the inventor of the instant camera) of the Eastman Kodak company. The film used in the cameras was very wide, so that images could be greatly magnified while remaining so clear it was said you could read a 2 foot wide sign from 60,000 feet. The planes were used mostly by the CIA, although the military had some as well. They are still being used today, 50 years after they were designed, to help calibrate satellites and in communications.
Here is video of what it looked like cruising at 70,000 foot (over 12 miles up) altitude in a U-2 at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PmYItnlY5M
On May 1, 1960 (May Day, ironically– which is also a Communist workers’ holiday and the international signal for distress on sea or air)a U-2 spy plane piloted by Francis Gary Powers, a technically civilian employee of the CIA, was shot down during a reconnaissance flight over the Ural Mountains in Russia. Even though he was not hit by the SAMs launched against him, the shock waves were enough to break the plane apart. Although equipped with a cyanide capsule, Powers survived the fall and was captured after parachuting into the heart of Russia. He was tried as a spy and given a ten year sentence, but after two years he was swapped for a Soviet spy in the first exchange of its kind.
Read this: https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/u2.htm, which is an actual state Department document from the Office of the Historian about the incident.
Pravda is the USSR official propaganda organ/ newspaper.
“Iron Curtain Speech”, March 5, 1946
Winston Churchill gave this speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, after receiving an honorary degree. With typical oratorical skills, Church popularized the phrase “Iron Curtain” to describe the division between Western powers and the area controlled by the Soviet Union. As such the speech marks the onset of the Cold War. The speech was very long, and here excerpts are presented.
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.
It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain — and I doubt not here also — toward the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars. But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.
In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.
I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable — still more that it is imminent.
It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.
I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.
What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.
There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.
We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.