Archive for March, 2007

Attention students and parents! College Information!

We now interrupt our regularly scheduled AP prep for this important announcement:

Parents of Sophomores & Juniors: You are highly encouraged to attend the parent training session on the new on-line ConnectEdu Program @ PHS on April 4th in the Library.

We are the first school in St. Louis City/County to join this free program. It will allow students/parents/college counselor to all be involved in the college search process. It is very easy to use; however, parents need to sign up in order to have access to the program.

Mary O’Malley of ConnectEdu will be on campus in the library computer lab from 6-7 pm and again from 7-8 pm to help parents understand how to utilize the program. PLEASE RSVP to Ms. Kampschroeder at 213-8051 ext. 8067 and give your name, your child’s name and the time slot you will attend. There are only 25 slots per hour. Please call now!

Students: College Club is a group that will meet once a month after school on a Thursday at 1:120 pm. Its first meeting is on April 5th in the Library computer lab to learn how to use the ConnectEdu computer program.

Make plans to attend!

Chapter 36 Outlines due Wednesday, March 26

36 Outline- Cold War Begins
MAKE SURE YOU PROVIDE DETAILS AND ANSWER THE QUESTIONS!

I. What kind of economic readjustments did the US go through after WWII?
A. What impact did returning veterans have for good and for ill?
B. Recession– how close to a depression?
C. Effect on women and minorities
D. Shift from a wartime to peacetime economy

II. What made the middle class grow so rapidly and become so influential?
A. Population shifts by region and to the ‘burbs
B. Consumerism
C. GI Bill of Rights– how did it help create the middle class? Provide specifics.
D. Unions

III. What challenges did Truman face, in both foreign and domestic policy?
A. Republican Congress
B. Dewey in 1948
C. Dixiecrats
D. Point Four
E. Korea
F. “The Buck Stops Here”– presidential responsibility
G. Effect on popularity

IV. Why did early disputes arise between the US and the USSR?
A. Yalta
B. effect of Chinese Revolution
C. Germany and E. Europe
D. Containment and fear of Communism
E. Nukes!
F. UN
G. Korea

Update before spring break!

Your 36-38 Quiz will be March 26. Be ready.

You must all have chosen a book by tomorrow, or I will assign you one. I hope you are looking forward to the chance to indulge your interests.

I am very proud of all of you for getting your money in on time for the AP exam. Good job!

HEY YOU! AP Checks are DUE !!!!!!

If you are taking AP Chemistry, AP Biology, AP Statistics, Ap Physics, AP Calculus, AP English Lit or Language, AP Spanish Lit of Language, AP Computer Programming, AP Studio Art, or, last but by no means least

AP US History !!!!!!

you need to get your checks in for 83 dollars PER TEST !!!! by March 13!

NO EXCEPTIONS!!!!!

WHY do you need you do this? So your parents don’t have to do this after you graduate:
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Book Report Books– Choose by March 16, read by April 30

You must choose one of the books below to read by April 30. You must choose by NEXT FRIDAY. I may continue to update this list, so check back.

I would suggest you look these books up on an online bookseller (easiest option) or go to a bookstore or library to help choose wisely.

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General Books: For those with an average below 80% you must choose one of these books, or a book very much like them with my approval. Those with an average OVER 80% may choose one of these if they wish.

CLASSICS (Worth a few more points):
A Pocket History of the United States, by Henry Steele Commager and Allan Nevins
One Night Stands With American History, by Richard Schenkman
A People’s History of the United States, by Howard Zinn (WARNING! Marxist perspective on US history)
A Patriot’s History of the United States: 1492 to Present, by Paul S. Boyer (Conservative to balance out Zinn)
The Cycles of American History, by Arthur Schlessinger
A History of the American People, by Paul Johnson
The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, by Richard Hofstadter
Out of Our Past: The Forces that Shaped Modern America, by Carl Degler
War and the American Presidency, by Arthur Schlesinger
History of the United States of America, by George Bancroft
Days of Destiny: Crossroads in American History, by James M. McPherson and Alan Brinkley
From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, by John Hope Franklin

Don’t Know Much About History, by Kenneth C. Davis
America’s Women, by Gail Collins
“To the Best of My Ability:” The American Presidents, by James M. McPherson
The Story of the West, by Robert M. Utley
A History of Women in America, by Carol Hymowitz and Michaele Weissman
A Different Mirror: A Multicultural History of America, by Ronald Takaki
A Brief History of the United States, by John Bach McMaster (It’s not that brief!)
Profiles in Courage, by John F. Kennedy
Ethnic America: A History, by Thomas Sowell
Lies My Teacher Told Me, by James Loewen
The Penguin History of the United States, by Hugh Brogan
A People and a Nation: A History of the United States, by Mary Beth Norton
Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America, by Ira Berlin

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Specific Books, for those with an average over 80% you may choose one of the following, or a book very much like them with my approval:

CLASSICS (Worth a few more points):
The Imperial Presidency, by Arthur Schlesinger
The Age of Jackson, by Arthur Schlesinger
The Age of Reform, by Richard Hofstadter
The Slaveholding Republic, By Don Fehrenbacher
Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early America, by Gary Nash
The Invasion of America, by Francis Jennings
Albion’s Seed: Four Folkways in America, by David Hackett Fischer
Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, by Bernard Bailyn
The Radicalism of the American Revolution, by Gordon S. Wood
Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union, by Robert V. Remini
Democracy in America, by Alexis de Tocqueville
The Frontier in American History, by Frederick Jackson Turner
Undaunted Courage, by Stephen Ambrose (on Lewis and Clark)
Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, by James McPherson
A History of Reconstruction, by Eric Foner
Free Soil, Free, Labor, Free Men, by Eric Foner
1776, by David McCullough
The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution 1763-1789, by Robert Middlekauf
An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, by Charles A Beard
Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West, by Dee Brown
1846: The Year of Decision, by Bernard DeVoto
Truman, by David McCullough
The Rise of American Democracy, by David Wilenz
The Path Between the Seas, by David McCullogh
Parting the Waters:America in the King Years 1954-63, by Taylor Branch
Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, by David J. Garrow
Hard Times: A Oral History of the Great Depression, by Studs Terkel
The Victors: Eisenhower and His Boys: The Men of World War II, by Stephen Ambrose
Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln, by Doris Kearns Goodwin

Founding Mothers and Fathers, by Mary Beth Norton
April 1865: The Month That Saved America, by Jay Winik
When the Mississippi Ran Backwards, by Jay Feldman
Revolutionary Characters, by Gordon S. Wood
Inhuman Bondage, by David Brion Davis
There Goes My Everything, by Jason Sokol
Sal Si Puedes (Escape If You Can): Ceasar Chavez and the New American Revolution, by Peter Matthiessen
Freedom from Fear in Depression and War, 1929-1945, by David M. Kennedy
Liberty’s Daughters, by Mary Beth Norton
A Treasury of American Scandals, by Michael Farquhar
500 Nations: An Illustrated History of North American Indians, by Alvin Josephy
Now That the Buffalo’s Gone, by Alvin Josephy
Colossus: The Price of America’s Empire, by Niall Ferguon
The Enlightenment in America, by Henry May
Seeds of Change: Five Hundred Years Since Columbus, by Herman J. Viola and Carolyn Margolis
A Necessary Evil? Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitution, by John P. Kaminsky, ed.
New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of America, by Colin Galloway
The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society, by Arthur Schlesinger
Civil War St. Louis, by Louis Gerteis
Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson, by Robert B. Tucker and David Hendrickson
The American Revolution in Indian Country, by Colin Calloway
The American Revolution as a Social Movement, by John F. Jameson
Lincoln, by David H. Donald
The Other Founders: The Anti-Federalists and the Dissenting Tradition in America, 1788-1828, by Saul Cornell
Trail of Tears: The Rise and Fall of the Cherokee Nation, by John Ehle
Adapting to a New World: English Society in the 17th Century Chesapeake, by James Horn
Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime from the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism, by Geoffrey R. Stone
A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America, by Lizabeth Cohen
The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties, by Mark A. Neely
Founding Brothers, by Joseph J. Ellis
The Failure of the Founding Fathers: Jefferson, Marshall, and the Rise of Presidential Democracy, by Bruce Ackerman
Active Liberty: Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution, by Stephen Breyer (a current Supreme Court justice)
Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed, by Jared Diamond
The Frontier in American Culture, by Richard White
The Second World War, by John Keegan

FDR’s First Fireside Chat

Roosevelt used the relatively new medium of radio to full advantage. His trademark was the “fireside chat” in which Roosevelt used simple, comforting language and tone to earn the trust and support of the everyday people. The idea was for listeners to feel that he had come into their living rooms and was sitting with them, talking informally and reassuringly.

Below is his first “fireside chat” regarding restoring the people’s confidence in the banking systems of the United States.

Summarize Roosevelt’s main points, especially the three different types of categories into which all the banks would be sorted.

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s First Fireside Chat
Given on Sunday, March 12, 1933

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking—with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking but more particularly with the overwhelming majority who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks. I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, etc., couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, should be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. I owe this in particular because of the fortitude and good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and help during the past week.

First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. It invests your money in many different forms of credit—bonds, commercial paper, mortgages and many other kinds of loans. In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. A comparatively small part of the money you put into the bank is kept in currency—an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a small fraction of the total deposits in all of the banks.

What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold—a rush so great that the soundest banks could not get enough currency to meet the demand. The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash except at panic prices far below their real value.

By the afternoon of March 3rd scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. Proclamations temporarily closing them in whole or in part had been issued by the Governors in almost all the States.
It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the nationwide bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government’s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.

The second step was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually. This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress—Republicans and Democrats alike—showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in our history.
The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.

This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. No sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last Monday. Neither is an bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks which reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country. It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.

A question you will ask is this: why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple. Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.

As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities—those banks which on first examination by the Treasury have already been found to be all right. This will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all their functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. That means about 250 cities of the United States.
On Wednesday and succeeding days banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government’s physical ability to complete its survey. It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.

Let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow. I know that many people are worrying about State banks not members of the Federal Reserve System. These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad policy.

It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. Let me make it clear that the banks will take care of all needs—and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime. It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money—that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes—the phantom of fear will soon be laid. People will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. I can assure you that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than under the mattress.

The success of our whole great national program depends, of course, upon the cooperation of the public—on its intelligent support and use of a reliable system.

Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before. More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets. This currency is not fiat currency. It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.

One more point before I close. There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized. The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of new capital which may be required. I hope you can see from this elemental recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, or radical, in the process.

We had a bad banking situation. Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the peoples’ funds. They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people for a time into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all. It was the Government’s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible. And the job is being performed.

I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift. I can even promise you salvation for some at least of the sorely pressed banks. We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of sound banks through reorganization.
It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country. I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.

After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people. Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. You people must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses. Let us unite in banishing fear. We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system; it is up to you to support and make it work.

It is your problem no less than it is mine. Together we cannot fail.

Eleanor Roosevelt on Lynching

Lynching was undoubtedly the most terrible crime perpetrated by white supremacists against African Americans. From the late nineteenth century through the World War I years, hundreds of blacks were lynched in the South for a variety of alleged crimes, the most heinous of which was the rape of white women. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations tried unsuccessfully for many years to get a federal antilynching law passed. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962) and Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes (1874-1952), a one-time president of the NAACP’s Chicago chapter, were supportive of the organization’s efforts, but President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) did not share their enthusiasm and believed that pressing for the NAACP’s demands would endanger congressional support for his New Deal programs. In her March 1936 letter to Walter Francis White (1893-1955), who served as NAACP executive secretary (later director) from 1931 to 1955, Mrs. Roosevelt stated some of the arguments that were used by the president and others against passage of an antilynching bill. It is clear from this “personal and confidential” letter that Mrs. Roosevelt was searching for a tactful means for aiding the anti-lynching cause herself, and she suggested to White various methods for winning the goodwill of members of Congress.

Question for consideration:
1. It has often been said that Eleanor Roosevelt was the conscience of the Roosevelt administration. Exlain whether this letter exemplify that view.
2. Who was Walter White?

From a letter by Eleanor Roosevelt to Walter White detailing the First Lady’s lobbying efforts for federal action against lynchings
19 March 1936.
(National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Records)

My dear Mr. White:

Before I received your letter today I had been in to the President, talking to him about your letter enclosing that of the Attorney General. I told him that it seemed rather terrible that one could get nothing done and that I did not blame you in the least for feeling there was no interest in this very serious question. I asked him if there were any possibility of getting even one step taken, and he said the difficulty is that it is unconstitutional apparently for the Federal Government to step in in the lynching situation. the Government has only been allowed to do anything about kidnapping because of its interstate aspect, and even that has not as yet been appealed so they are not sure that it will be declared constitutional.

The president feels that lynching is a question of education in the states, rallying good citizens, and creating public opinion so that the localities themselves will wipe it out. However, if it were done by a Northerner, it will have an antagonistic effect. I will talk to him again about the Van Nuys resolution and will try to talk also to Senator Byrnes and get his point of view. I am deeply troubled about the whole situation as it seems to be a terrible thing to stand by and let it continue and feel that one cannot speak out as to his feeling. i think your next step would be to talk to the more prominent members of the Senate.

Very Sincerely yours,
Eleanor Roosevelt

Links for more information:
Background information regarding this letter
The National Park Service Website for the Eleanor Roosevelt Historical Site in New York, (The only National Historical Site dedicated to a first lady!)
The Establishment of the Fair Employment Practices Commission