Archive for the ‘Chapt. 7’ Category

Chapter 7 questions

Due MONDAY September 9.

Handwritten, and written to demonstrate analysis and depth of reasoning. Remember, this is also writing practice.

AS YOU READ, CONSIDER HOW THE EVENTS IN THIS CHAPTER ARE AFFECTED BY THE TENSION BETWEEN TRADITIONAL AMERICAN PREFERENCE FOR INDEPENDENT ACTION VERSUS THE NEED FOR UNITY.

1. How and why did the British victory in the French and Indian War change the expectations between the British and colonists? What factors led the colonists to be shocked by this change in British attitudes?

2. What did “republicans” in the 18th century believe about government as well as the requirements for a just, stable society? What did they consider to be examples of just societies, and why? What did “Radical whigs” fear, and how were they different from “republicans?”

WE HAVE ALREADY DISCUSSED MERCANTILISM, SO I WILL ASSUME THAT IF THERE IS ANYTHING ABOUT THE BASICS YOU WILL ASK RATHER THAN FORCING YOU TO DO QUESTIONS OVER INFO IN YOUR NOTES. CONSIDER THE IMPACT ON ECONOMIC INITIATIVE BY THE NAVIGATION LAWS, ETC. YOU WILL HAVE A PRACTICE MC QUIZ OF 4-5 QUESTIONS OVER MERCANTILISM ON WED/THURSDAY.

3. How did the appointment of George Grenville initiate a new relationship between Britain and her colonies?

4. Chart each major law, what its purpose was, and what the colonial protest method was in response to each: Stamp Act, Sugar Act, Declaratory Act, Townshend Acts.

5. Why did the colonists interpret these laws as threats? Why specifically did colonists reject the Stamp Act on principle? How did the British answer colonial objections?

6. Which laws were repealed, and how did the colonists achieve this, given their lack of representation in Parliament?

7. What 4-5 specific actions were taken by the colonists that helped unite them in their protests against the Stamp Act?

8. How did the British respond to colonial protests against the Townshend Acts? Why did the colonists seem to take the Townshend Acts less seriously than the Stamp Act (and do you think that was exactly the British plan all along?)?

9. Why did the Boston Massacre occur?

10. Why did the British repeal the Townshend Acts? Why was the tea tax retained from the Townshend Acts?

11. Why, specifically, didn’t the situation calm down after Lord North backed down on them? How did the system of colonial communication and propaganda work?

12. What was the purpose of the Tea Act of 1773 (it’s not named as such in your text, but it’s described on p. 135 under “Tea Brewing in Boston”)? Describe the protests in various coastal cities, culminating with Boston?

13. What were the specific laws passed by the British in response to the Tea Party in Boston? What were these called by the British, and what did the Americans call them? What role did the Quebec Act play in this?

14.What responses did the colonists take to these laws, especially those that were meant to improve unified response by the colonists?

15. What actions did the First Continental Congress take? Include dates where possible.

16. How did Parliament respond to the petitions from the Continental Congress?

17. Create a chart showing the relative strengths and weaknesses of the British vis-à-vis the impending War for Independence with the colonies.

18. Create a chart showing the relative strengths and weaknesses of the colonies vis-à-vis the impending War for Independence with the British.

Was the American Revolution Inevitable?

Here’s what the BBC thinks (fun to have it from a British perspective…)

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/empire_seapower/american_revolution_01.shtml

Review MC 2 for semester 1 final

Please print these off, answer them, and bring them with you to class on Thursday/Friday (December 8/9).

These questions are over chapters 5-8. First attempt to see how many of the answers you know without looking them up. Make a mark next to those you felt confident about. After we go over these in class, you will know areas you need to concentrate upon when studying.

1. Which of the following explorers claimed the Louisiana Territory for France?
A. Louis Joliet
B. Jacques Cartier
C. Robert de la Salle
D. Samuel de Champlain
E. Jacques Marquette

2. In what way did early Spanish settlement differ from that of the early French colonization efforts during the 17th century?
A. The French focused on establishing larger permanent communities in their colonies.
B. The Spanish made religious conversion a major focus of their efforts.
C. The French focused more on forced religious conversions of the indigenous peoples than did the Spanish.
D. The French based much of their hopes of profit on the fur trade.
E. French settlement was driven largely by the desires of French Huguenots to escape religious persecution, while the Spanish had no such dissident settler groups.

3. The colonial policy of the British Empire was reorganized in 1763 because King George III and his Parliament desperately needed to raise funds to pay for the previous four world wars. The means to raise funds that was settled upon was
A. fighting a series of Indian engagements to strip more land from the Natives, which could then be sold for revenue.
B. to create the Dominion of New England in order to streamline colonial administration.
C. to place direct and indirect taxes upon the colonists and to increase enforcement of the Navigation Acts to end smuggling.
D. to permanently ban any further spread of English settlements west of the Mississippi River.
E. impressing American sailors into the British navy.

4. Salutary neglect
A. described the period of British inattention to colonial matters before the French and Indian War.
B. led to lax enforcement of the Navigation Laws.
C. ended after the Peace of Paris in 1763.
D. allowed American colonists to get by with paying very little taxes.
E. all of the above.

5. The “triangular trade” involved the sale of rum, molasses, and slaves among
A. New England, Africa, and the West Indies.
B. West Indies, France, and South America.
C. New England, Britain, and Spain.
D. Virginia, Canada, and Britain.
E. New England, the Carolinas, and West Indies.

6. In 1754, this meeting was held by representatives of 7 colonies to attempt to encourage colonial unity against the threat against the colonial frontier stirred up by the French through their Indian allies.
A. New England Confederation
B. Albany Congress
C. Stamp Act Congress
D. First Continental Congress
E. House of Burgesses

7. The first direct tax placed upon the colonies by Parliament (causing the colonists to react with fury) was
A. the Stamp Act.
B. the Molasses Act.
C. the Quartering Act.
D. the Townshend Acts.
E. the Tea Act tax.

8. The most effective protest against British policies, which actually resulted in Parliament reversing many hated provisions they had enacted was
A. physical intimidation of royal officials, such as tarring and feathering or burning them in effigy.
B. vandalism such as the Boston Tea Party.
C. sending petitions for the redress of grievances to Parliament.
D. smuggling to avoid the payment of customs duties.
E. boycotts of British goods through coordinated efforts by the Sons and Daughters of Liberty.

9. The riches created by the growing slave population in the American South in the 18th century
A. were distributed evenly among the Southern whites.
B. helped to narrow the gap between rich and poor, creating an egalitarian society for whites.
C. created a serious problem with inflation, as too much wealth was invested in slave property.
D. benefited only a few elite families at the expense of the rest of Southern society.
E. enabled poor whites to escape tenant farming

10. By 1775, the ___ were the only two established churches in colonial America.
A. Methodist and Anglican
B. Presbyterian and Congregational
C. Congregational and Anglican
D. Quaker and Catholic
E. Presbyterian and Anglican

11. When the British Parliament passed the Molasses Act of 1733, it intended the act to
A. stimulate the colonies’ “triangular trade.”
B. satisfy colonial demands for earning foreign currency.
C. discourage colonial trade with the French West Indies.
D. increase colonial standards of living and protect the livelihood of colonial merchants.
E. require Americans to sell their molasses to British merchants.

12. The local committees of correspondence organized by Samuel Adams
A. promoted his bid to become governor of Massachusetts.
B. promoted independent action in each colony to support the British.
C. kept opposition to the British alive through the exchange of propaganda.
D. served as a precursor to the US Postal Service.
E. led to the Boston Massacre.

13. The reason France needed to control the Ohio Valley in the 1750s was to
A. stop Spain from extending its empire.
B. help win the War of Jenkins’ Ear.
C. stop the Indian attacks on its outposts.
D. link its Canadian holdings with those of the lower Mississippi Valley.
E. be able to put more of its settlers there in order to increase farm production.

14. With the British and American victory in the French and Indian War,
A. the American colonies grew closer to Britain.
B. Americans now feared the Spanish, who surrounded them on two sides.
C. a new spirit of independence arose among the colonists with France eliminated as a threat.
D. the Native Americans were all placed on reservations as a penalty for taking the losing side.
E. the French withdrew completely from the Western hemisphere.

15. “Virtual representation” meant that
A. almost all British subjects were represented in Parliament.
B. every member of Parliament represented all British subjects.
C. colonists could elect their own representatives to Parliament.
D. Parliament could pass virtually all types of legislation except taxes.
E. each member of Parliament represented only people in his home district.

16. Under mercantilist theory, the colonies were expected to do all of the following EXCEPT
A. supply Britain with raw materials.
B. become economically self-sufficient as soon as possible.
C. furnish ships, seamen, and trade to strengthen the British Navy.
D. provide a market for British goods.
E. refrain from exporting woolen cloth.

17. Thomas Paine argued that all government officials
A. were corrupt.
B. should derive their authority from popular consent.
C. should be part of the “natural aristocracy.”
D. need not listen to the voice of the uneducated.
E. should not be paid for their service.

18. The terms of the Peace of Paris of 1783 were incredibly generous to the Americans because
A. England was trying to convince the Americans to abandon their alliance with France.
B. the British were trying to anger the French Canadians, who still felt loyalty to France.
C. the British were trying to persuade the Americans not to punish Loyalists who remained in America.
D. the British feared losing their Latin American colonies to Spain.
E. the Americans had soundly defeated the British and driven out all of its troops after Yorktown.

19. Which of the following is NOT TRUE about when the 2nd Continental Congress convened?
A. delegates attended from all thirteen colonies.
B. the strongest sentiment was for declaring independence from England.
C. it adopted measures to raise money and create an army and navy.
D. it drafted new written appeals to the king.
E. the conservatives remained a strong force.

20. One reason that the American Revolution avoided the excesses of the French Revolution is that
A. America declared martial law until the Constitution was enacted in 1789.
B. the American Revolution suddenly overturned the entire political framework.
C. a strong sense of class consciousness already existed.
D. political democracy preceded social democracy in the US
E. cheap land was easily available.

Notetaking from a text: An Overview

Guidelines to follow when attempting to take notes from a textbook:

1. Skim the chapter or material to be summarized.

2. Divide it up into no more than three to five subheadings of subtopics, if possible. Do not fall into the trap of having thirteen or eighteen subheadings– you will not make any sense of the text, and there is no way you can remember that many ideas in addition to all the details.

3. Organize each subheading around a question or prompt. The question type that is most helpful is called an essential question. Then organize the rest of the material in the chapter under each subheading in order to help answer the question or prompt.

4. Benefits? This notetaking method will enable you to reorganize a chapter which does not seem to be organized logically or thematically. It also causes you to interact with the text in such a way that your comprehension will improve more than if you merely passively read. You will be making meaning of the text yourself, which will also aid retention of the information. This should save you time in studying and learning.

Below is the outline I have drawn up for chapter 7.

I. Why did mercantilism cause colonial dissatisfaction with British policies?

A. Explanation of mercantilism

B. Benefits/ disadvantages to the mother country

C. Benefits/disadvantages to colonies

D. How did it help unify the colonies

E. What finally caused the British to attempt to strictly enforce mercantilist policies?

II. What were the various schemes used by the British to raise revenue?

A, B, C, D, etc—various taxes and their intents, whether they were repealed….

F. What was the purpose of the Quartering Act, and how did colonists respond? Why?

G. Declaratory Act

III. How did colonists react to each specific tax? How did the rebellion grow?

A. Massacre

B. Tea Party

C. Committees of Correspondence

D. Stamp Act Congress

E. Boycotts

F. Riots

G. Shots fired, Dec of Causes of Taking Up Arms

H. Declaring independence

IV. Compare the various advantages and disadvantages of each potential side as the Revolution became more likely.

Possible multiple choice questions for the 5-7 test…

Gee, I wonder what the answers are….

1. In contrast to the 17th century, by 1775 colonial Americans
A. had become more stratified into social classes and had less social mobility.
B. had all but eliminated poverty.
C. found that it was easier for ordinary people to acquire land.
D. had nearly lost their fear of slave rebellion.
E. had few people who owned small farms.

2. The riches created by the growing slave population in the American South in the 18th century
A. were distributed evenly among the Southern whites.
B. helped to narrow the gap between rich and poor, creating an egalitarian society for whites.
C. created a serious problem with inflation, as too much wealth was invested in slave property.
D. benefited only a few elite families at the expense of the rest of Southern society.
E. enabled poor whites to escape tenant farming.

3. The American colonial exponents of republicanism argued that a just society depends upon
A. a powerful central government.
B. a weak army.
C. a strong aristocratic tradition.
D. support for hierarchical institutions.
E. the willingness of all citizens to work for the common good.

4. Under mercantilist doctrine, the British government reserved the right to do all of the following regarding the American colonies EXCEPT
A. prevent the colonies from forming militias.
B. restrain the colonies from printing paper money.
C. restrict the passage of generous bankruptcy laws.
D. determine what the colonies could manufacture.
E. enumerate products that must be shipped to Britain.

A Patriotic Response

Below is the text of Patrick Henry’s Famous speech which closes with the words “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!” You can click on this link to hear actor Richard Shumann actually deliver the speech, if you wish, or you may simply read it here. The link also includes interesting background on Patrick Henry.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania

John Dickinson was a reasoned voice against what he considered to be the usurpation of the colonists’ rights as Englishmen. As part of his efforts to awaken his fellow colonists to the dangerous precedent of allowing abrogation of what he understood to be the “rights of Englishmen.”


This is the first of thirteen letters that were published in the Boston Chronicle beginning December 21, 1787, and eventually collected into pamphlet form and published. Here is a link to the actual pamphlet so you can see what it looked like.

My Dear Countrymen,

I am a farmer, settled after a variety of fortunes near the banks of the River Delaware in the province of Pennsylvania. I received a liberal education and have been engaged in the busy scenes of life; but am now convinced that a man may be as happy without bustle as with it. My farm is small; my servants are few and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more; my employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented, grateful mind . . . I am completing the number of days allotted to me by divine goodness.

Being generally master of my time, I spend a good deal of it in a library, which I think the most valuable part of my small estate; and being acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning who honor me with their friendship, I have acquired, I believe, a greater share of knowledge in history and the laws and constitution of my country than is generally attained by men of my class, many of them not being so fortunate as I have been in the opportunities of getting information.

From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence toward mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. These can be found in liberty only, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. As a charitable but poor person does not withhold his mite because he cannot relieve all the distresses of the miserable, so should not any honest man suppress his sentiments concerning freedom, however small their influence is likely to be. Perhaps he may “touch some wheel” that will have an effect greater than he could reasonably expect.

These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer to you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions that appear to me to be of the utmost importance to you. Conscious of my defects, I have waited some time in expectation of seeing the subject treated by persons much better qualified for the task; but being therein disappointed, and apprehensive that longer delays will be injurious, I venture at length to request the attention of the public, pray that these lines may be read with the same zeal for the happiness of British America with which they were written.

With a good deal of surprise I have observed that little notice has been taken of an act of Parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colonies as the Stamp Act was: I mean the act for suspending the legislation of New York.

The assembly of that government complied with a former act of Parliament, requiring certain provisions to be made for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of salt, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, considering all circumstances, in not complying so far as would have given satisfaction as several colonies did. But my dislike of their conduct in that instance has not blinded me so much that I cannot plainly perceive that they have been punished in a manner pernicious to American freedom and justly alarming to all the colonies.

If the British Parliament has a legal authority to issue an order that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here and compel obedience to that order, they have the same right to issue an order for us supply those troops with arms, clothes, and every necessary, and to compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay any burdens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum and leaving us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp Act? Would that act have appeared more pleasing to Americans if, being ordered thereby to raise the sum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them of saying how much should be paid for an instrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment?

An act of Parliament commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expense that accrues in complying with it, and for this reason, I believe, every colony on the continent that chose to give a mark of their respect for Great Britain, in complying with the act relating to the troops, cautiously avoided the mention of that act, lest their conduct should be attributed to its supposed obligation.

The matter being thus stated, the assembly of New York either had or had no right to refuse submission to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will say they had not, then the Parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not that right, they had no right to punish them for not executing it; and therefore had no right to suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legislation, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case of the privilege of legislation, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their assent to any impositions that shall be directed? Or what signifies the repeal of the Stamp Act, if these colonies are to lose their other privileges by not tamely surrendering that of taxation?

There is one consideration arising from the suspension which is not generally attended to but shows its importance very clearly. It was not necessary that this suspension should be caused by an act of Parliament. The Crown might have restrained the governor of New York even from call ing the assembly together, by its prerogative in the royal governments. This step, I sup pose, would have been taken if the conduct of the assembly of New York had been regarded as an act of disobedience to the Crown alone. But it is regarded as an act of “disobedience to the authority of the British legislature.” This gives the suspension a consequence vastly more affecting. It is a parliamentary assertion of the supreme authority of the British legislature over these colonies in the point of taxation; and it is intended to compel New York into a submission to that authority. It seems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberty of the people of that province, and consequently of all these colonies, as if the Parliament had sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them, till they should comply.

For it is evident that the suspension meant as a compulsion; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed probable that the sight of red coats and the hearing of drums would have been most alarming, because people are generally more influenced by their eyes and ears than by their reason. But whoever seriously considers the matter must perceive that a dreadful stroke is aimed at the liberty of these colonies. I say of these colonies; for the cause of one is the cause of all. If the Parliament may lawfully deprive New York of any of her rights, it may deprive any or all the other colonies of their rights; and nothing can possibly so much encourage such at tempts as a mutual inattention to the interest of each other. To divide and thus to destroy is the first political maxim in attacking those who are powerful by their union. He certainly is not a wise man who folds his arms and reposes himself at home, seeing with unconcern the flames that have invaded his neighbor’s house without using any endeavors to extinguish them. When Mr. Hampden’s ship-money cause for 3s. 4d. was tried, all the people of England, with anxious expectations, interested themselves in the important decision; and when the slightest point touching the freedom of one colony is agitated, I earnestly wish that all the rest may with equal ardor support their sister. Very much may be said on this sub ject, but I hope more at present is unnecessary.

With concern I have observed that two assemblies of this province have sat and adjourned without taking any notice of this act. It may perhaps be asked: What would have been proper for them to do? I am by no means fond of inflammatory measures. I detest them. I should be sorry that anything should be done which might justly displease our sovereign or our mother country. But a firm, modest exertion of a free spirit should never be wanting on public occasions. It appears to me that it would have been sufficient for the assembly to have ordered our agents to represent to the King’s ministers their sense of the suspending act and to pray for its repeal. Thus we should have borne our testimony against it; and might therefore reasonably expect that on a like occasion we might receive the same assistance from the other colonies.

Small things grow great by concord.

A FARMER