Archive for the ‘Chapter 10’ Category

The Judiciary Act of 1789

Here is the basic outline, with a link to the actual law’s text, if you need it:

The Judiciary Act of 1789 was the very first bill considered by the very first Congress under the Constitution. Antifederalists opposed this bill because they believed that a federal court system would deprive state courts of their own powers and privileges.

The Judiciary Act of 1789 established a three tier federal court system. There were thirteen district courts, and three circuit courts to which appeals could be made. From the circuit courts, appeals could be made to the Supreme Court. Supreme Court justices were required to also serve as circuit court justices, riding a circuit from town to town and therefore supposedly being more in touch with the common people. The Act also established the number of justices on the US Supreme Court at six. There was one chief justice and five associate justices. The fact that this was an even number made it possible to have tie votes as a common occurrence. (As more states were added to the union, more district courts and Supreme Court justices were added until, by the time of the Civil War, there were 10 justices total on the US Supreme Court. In 1866, Congress reduced the number to 7, and in 1869 it was raised to 9, which is pretty much where it has remained ever since. Just remember that nothing in the Constitution itself specifies the number of justices or courts and judges that there must be at the federal level. The Act limited US Supreme Court jurisdiction to hearing appeals from the lower federal court and to judge the constitutionality of state supreme court decisions or over disputes between states.

The Judiciary Act also established the office of Attorney General, whose primary job back then was to provide legal advise to the president. The attorney general then joined the three secretaries of War, State, and Treasury in the cabinet.

Kentucky Resolutions

As you read, consider:

1. Who was the author of these resolutions? What is the ultimate constitutional claim that the author is attempting to advance? What does this document say about nullification?

2. What is the “compact theory?”

3. What federal actions were being protested in these resolutions?
The Kentucky Resolutions of 1789
1. Resolved, That the several States composing, the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes — delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force: that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral part, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress.

2. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, piracies, and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations, and no other crimes, whatsoever; and it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, not prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people,” therefore the act of Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and entitled “An Act in addition to the act intituled An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States,” as also the act passed by them on the — day of June, 1798, intituled “An Act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the United States,” (and all their other acts which assume to create, define, or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution,) are altogether void, and of no force; and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and, of right, appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory.

3. Resolved, The it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitutions, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people”; and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated, rather than the use be destroyed. And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves the right of protecting the same, as this State, by a law passed on the general demand of its citizens, had already protected them from all human restraint or interference. And that in addition to this general principle and express declaration, another and more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the Constitution, which expressly declares, that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press”: thereby guarding in the same sentence, and under the same words, the freedom of religion, of speech, and of the press: insomuch, that whatever violated either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others, arid that libels, falsehood, and defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are withheld from the cognizance of federal tribunals. That, therefore, the act of Congress of the United States, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, intituled “An Act in addition to the act intituled An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States,” which does abridge the freedom of the press, is not law, but is altogether void, and of no force.

4. Resolved, That alien friends are under the jurisdiction and protection of the laws of the State wherein they are: that no power over them has been delegated to the United States, nor prohibited to the individual States, distinct from their power over citizens. And it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people,” the act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the — day of July, 1798, intituled “An Act concerning aliens,” which assumes powers over alien friends, not delegated by the Constitution, is not law, but is altogether void, and of no force.

5. Resolved. That in addition to the general principle, as well as the express declaration, that powers not delegated are reserved, another and more special provision, inserted in the Constitution from abundant caution, has declared that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808” that this commonwealth does admit the migration of alien friends, described as the subject of the said act concerning aliens: that a provision against prohibiting their migration, is a provision against all acts equivalent thereto, or it would be nugatory: that to remove them when migrated, is equivalent to a prohibition of their migration, and is, therefore, contrary to the said provision of the Constitution, and void.

6. Resolved, That the imprisonment of a person under the protection of the laws of this commonwealth, on his failure to obey the simple order of the President to depart out of the United States, as is undertaken by said act intituled “An Act concerning aliens” is contrary to the Constitution, one amendment to which has provided that “no person shalt be deprived of liberty without due progress of law”; and that another having provided that “in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to public trial by an impartial jury, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense;” the same act, undertaking to authorize the President to remove a person out of the United States, who is under the protection of the law, on his own suspicion, without accusation, without jury, without public trial, without confrontation of the witnesses against him, without heating witnesses in his favor, without defense, without counsel, is contrary to the provision also of the Constitution, is therefore not law, but utterly void, and of no force: that transferring the power of judging any person, who is under the protection of the laws from the courts, to the President of the United States, as is undertaken by the same act concerning aliens, is against the article of the Constitution which provides that “the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in courts, the judges of which shall hold their offices during good behavior”; and that the said act is void for that reason also. And it is further to be noted, that this transfer of judiciary power is to that magistrate of the general government who already possesses all the Executive, and a negative on all Legislative powers.

7. Resolved, That the construction applied by the General Government (as is evidenced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress a power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States,” and “to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution, the powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof,” goes to the destruction of all limits prescribed to their powers by the Constitution: that words meant by the instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part to be so taken as to destroy the whole residue of that instrument: that the proceedings of the General Government under color of these articles, will be a fit and necessary subject of revisal and correction, at a time of greater tranquillity, while those specified in the preceding resolutions call for immediate redress.

8th. Resolved, That a committee of conference and correspondence be appointed, who shall have in charge to communicate the preceding resolutions to the Legislatures of the several States: to assure them that this commonwealth continues in the same esteem of their friendship and union which it has manifested from that moment at which a common danger first suggested a common union: that it considers union, for specified national purposes, and particularly to those specified in their late federal compact, to be friendly, to the peace, happiness and prosperity of all the States: that faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent and meaning in which it was understood and acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation: that it does also believe, that to take from the States all the powers of self-government and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard to the special delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these States; and that therefore this commonwealth is determined, as it doubts not its co-States are, to submit to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men on earth: that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect for its co States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it, Congress being not a party, but merely the creature of the compact, and subject as to its assumptions of power to the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use itself and its powers were all created and modified: that if the acts before specified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them; that the general government may place any act they think proper on the list of crimes and punish it themselves whether enumerated or not enumerated by the constitution as cognizable by them: that they may transfer its cognizance to the President, or any other person, who may himself be the accuser, counsel, judge and jury, whose suspicions may be the evidence, his order the sentence, his officer the executioner, and his breast the sole record of the transaction: that a very numerous and valuable description of the inhabitants of these States being, by this precedent, reduced, as outlaws, to the absolute dominion of one man, and the barrier of the Constitution thus swept away from us all, no ramparts now remains against the passions and the powers of a majority in Congress to protect from a like exportation, or other more grievous punishment, the minority of the same body, the legislatures, judges, governors and counsellors of the States, nor their other peaceable inhabitants, who may venture to reclaim the constitutional rights and liberties of the States and people, or who for other causes, good or bad, may be obnoxious to the views, or marked by the suspicions of the President, or be thought dangerous to his or their election, or other interests, public or personal; that the friendless alien has indeed been selected as the safest subject of a first experiment; but the citizen will soon follow, or rather, has already followed, for already has a sedition act marked him as its prey: that these and successive acts of the same character, unless arrested at the threshold, necessarily drive these States into revolution and blood and will furnish new calumnies against republican government, and new pretexts for those who wish it to be believed that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron: that it would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights: that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism — free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence; it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions, to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power: that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no further, our confidence may go; and let the honest advocate of confidence read the Alien and Sedition acts, and say if the Constitution has not been wise in fixing limits to the government it created, and whether we should be wise in destroying those limits, Let him say what the government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men of our choice have con erred on our President, and the President of our choice has assented to, and accepted over the friendly stranger to whom the mild spirit of our country and its law have pledged hospitality and protection: that the men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicion of the President, than the solid right of innocence, the claims of justification, the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of law and justice. In questions of powers, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution. That this commonwealth does therefore call on its CO-States for an expression of their sentiments on the acts concerning aliens and for the punishment of certain crimes herein before specified, plainly declaring whether these acts are or are not authorized by the federal compact. And it doubts not that their sense will be so announced as to prove their attachment unaltered to limited government, weather general or particular. And that the rights and liberties of their CO-States will be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked in a common bottom with their own. That they will concur with this commonwealth in considering the said acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, of all powers whatsoever: that they will view this as seizing the rights of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government, with a power assumed to bind the States (not merely as the cases made federal, casus fœderis but), in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent: that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from our authority; and that the CO-States, recurring to their natural right in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these acts void, and of no force, and will each take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts, nor any others of the General Government not plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shalt be exercised within their respective territories.

9th. Resolved, That the said committee be authorized to communicate by writing or personal conference, at any times or places whatever, with any person or persons who may be appointed by any one or more CO-States to correspond or confer with them; and that they lay their proceedings before the next session of Assembly.

Kentucky Resolution of 1799


THE representatives of the good people of this commonwealth in general assembly convened, having maturely considered the answers of sundry states in the Union, to their resolutions passed at the last session, respecting certain unconstitutional laws of Congress, commonly called the alien and sedition laws, would be faithless indeed to themselves, and to those they represent, were they silently to acquiesce in principles and doctrines attempted to be maintained in all those answers, that of Virginia only excepted. To again enter the field of argument, and attempt more fully or forcibly to expose the unconstitutionality of those obnoxious laws, would, it is apprehended be as unnecessary as unavailing.

We cannot however but lament, that in the discussion of those interesting subjects, by sundry of the legislatures of our sister states, unfounded suggestions, and uncandid insinuations, derogatory of the true character and principles of the good people of this commonwealth, have been substituted in place of fair reasoning and sound argument. Our opinions of those alarming measures of the general government, together with our reasons for those opinions, were detailed with decency and with temper, and submitted to the discussion and judgment of our fellow citizens throughout the Union. Whether the decency and temper have been observed in the answers of most of those states who have denied or attempted to obviate the great truths contained in those resolutions, we have now only to submit to a candid world. Faithful to the true principles of the federal union, unconscious of any designs to disturb the harmony of that Union, and anxious only to escape the fangs of despotism, the good people of this commonwealth are regardless of censure or calumniation.

Least however the silence of this commonwealth should be construed into an acquiescence in the doctrines and principles advanced and attempted to be maintained by the said answers, or least those of our fellow citizens throughout the Union, who so widely differ from us on those important subjects, should be deluded by the expectation, that we shall be deterred from what we conceive our duty; or shrink from the principles contained in those resolutions: therefore.

RESOLVED, That this commonwealth considers the federal union, upon the terms and for the purposes specified in the late compact, as conducive to the liberty and happiness of the several states: That it does now unequivocally declare its attachment to the Union, and to that compact, agreeable to its obvious and real intention, and will be among the last to seek its dissolution: That if those who administer the general government be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations of power therein contained, annihilation of the state governments, and the erection upon their ruins, of a general consolidated government, will be the inevitable consequence: That the principle and construction contended for by sundry of the state legislatures, that the general government is the exclusive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism; since the discretion of those who administer the government, and not the constitution, would be the measure of their powers: That the several states who formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction; and that a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under colour of that instrument, is the rightful remedy: That this commonwealth does upon the most deliberate reconsideration declare, that the said alien and sedition laws, are in their opinion, palpable violations of the said constitution; and however cheerfully it may be disposed to surrender its opinion to a majority of its sister states in matters of ordinary or doubtful policy; yet, in momentous regulations like the present, which so vitally wound the best rights of the citizen, it would consider a silent acquiescence as highly criminal: That although this commonwealth as a party to the federal compact; will bow to the laws of the Union, yet it does at the same time declare, that it will not now, nor ever hereafter, cease to oppose in a constitutional manner, every attempt from what quarter soever offered, to violate that compact:

AND FINALLY, in order that no pretexts or arguments may be drawn from a supposed acquiescence on the part of this commonwealth in the constitutionality of those laws, and be thereby used as precedents for similar future violations of federal compact; this commonwealth does now enter against them, its SOLEMN PROTEST.

Approved December 3rd, 1799.

The Bill of Rights– Complete with their own preamble…

Here is the background to the Bill of Rights:
Read the whole thing, including the rights that Madison included which were rejected!

Here is an interesting site– the Bill of Rights Institution:

Information on the XYZ Affair

As you read, consider:
1. What were the consequences of the XYZ Affair regarding our relations with France?
2. What is the relationship between the XYZ Affair and the Convention of 1800?
3. Who was the Marquis de Talleyrand?

Video: America Gets a Constitution

From the History Channel:


Reminders and assignment for Sept 27

While I am at the funeral, you will have a sub. She is a dear friend of mine, and I know you will treat her like a princess. Make sure you prepare for these two quizzes!

1. You will take a combined 9-10 terms check first, and then grade it. Turn those in.

2. You will then take your MC check over your homework. You will grade that and turn it in.

You will then do this assignment, which can all be done online. Click here to download the assignment: Federalist 51 Document Analysis– Hyperlinks are provided within the document.

If you need to, search for the APPARTS form you will need on the blog, and download a copy. I COULD put it here, but you need to learn how to do this. Keep that copy on your hard drive.

You may write in it in word, but SAVE AS Federalist #51, so that you keep the original. This is due Monday!!!

Chapter 10 questions

Chapter 10 questions
Make sure you are answering FULLY and including dates, leaders, places etc.

1. What were the specific strengths and weaknesses of the new nation as of 1789? Had anything changed since 1787? Include population growth in your calculations.
2. Why was Spain a possible threat to western development? Where were their claims?
3. List the specific ways the presidency of Washington established precedents for later presidents (try saying that three times fast).
4. Prior to the building of the District of Columbia, what was the temporary capital of the US? Why was this so?
5. How many specific rights were included in the Bill of Rights? (Count them—you will be surprised.) What was the fear regarding the enumeration of rights? How was this fear ameliorated?
6. What exactly does the Constitution say about the judicial branch’s organization and requirements, and how does this compare with the descriptions of the other two branches? What did the Judiciary Act of 1789 do?
7. Why does the author pinpoint Alexander Hamilton as the key figure of this period– over Jefferson and even Washington? What office did he hold, and what were Hamilton’s major goals?
8. Explain why Hamilton claimed that funding at par would benefit the nation. Be able to explain “funding at par”– if you have to research this, that’s okay
9. What deal did Jefferson make to get the location of the US capitol to be in the South?
10. What were the main sources of government revenue during the Washington administration? How does that differ from today? Look it up.
11. Explain the different claims of Hamilton and Jefferson regarding a national bank. How did this reflect a deeper disagreement about the Constitution? What were the characteristics of the 1st Bank of the United States?
12. Why was the excise tax on whiskey especially resented on the frontier? How was the response to this rebellion different from that against Shays’ Rebellion?
13. List all the effects of Hamilton’s financial plan.
14. What is the difference between a faction and a party? What are the pros and cons of a 2-party system? How did the French Revolution affect the partisanship in American political life—why did each party view the Revolution differently?
15. Compare and contrast the French Revolution to the American Revolution. Make sure you consider causes as well as characteristics.
16. Why did Washington nullify the Franco-American Alliance with his Neutrality Proclamation? Explain this quote: “American neutrality in fact favored France.”
17. How responsible were the British for our troubles on the Frontier? What is significant about the Treaty of Greenville?
18. How else did Britain violate American sovereignty, and what was our specific response? Evaluate Jay’s accomplishments in England. How did this treaty lead to Pinckney’s? How was Jay’s Treaty received by France?
19. Why did Washington’s Farewell Address advise isolationism?
20. What specific challenges did Adams face as president that Washington did not? Why was this so?
21. Why did undeclared war erupt with France? Why did Adams’ action toward France prove to be wise? How did the Quasi-War—and the Franco American Alliance—come to an end?
22. How did the Federalists attempt to stifle dissent? What were the political considerations used in altering immigration laws? Why was the Sedition Act not overturned by the courts? How did the Alien and Sedition Acts lead to the promotion of the doctrine of nullification?
23. Explain the compact theory of government. How did the compact theory lead to support for secession later in US history (and even now)?
24. Look at the chart on p. 219. What aspects of the different beliefs of the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans can still be seen today in our political parties? Did either party support full democratic participation (universal manhood suffrage)? Explain. What types of people were more likely to support each party?
25. How did Jefferson link slavery with the preservation of democracy?

MC practice chapters 8-10

MC Practice
Chapters 08-10

1. The terms of the Peace of Paris were incredibly generous to the Americans because
A. the Americans had soundly defeated the British and driven out all of its troops after Yorktown.
B. the British feared losing their Latin American colonies to Spain.
C. the British were trying to persuade the Americans not to punish Loyalists who remained in America.
D. the British were trying to anger the French Canadians, who still felt loyalty to France.
E. England was trying to convince the Americans to abandon their alliance with France.

2. During our first 25 years as a nation, one of the major problems facing America was
A. the rivalry between France and Great Britain.
B. the lack of good political leadership.
C. the continued fighting between the US and the Armed Neutrality League.
D. Indian affairs.
E. separation of church and state

3. Opposition by Jefferson and Madison to Hamilton’s financial plan resulted in
A. the formation of permanent political parties.
B. Hamilton’s dismissal from the cabinet.
C. political issues becoming out of touch with the wishes of the people.
D. the rejection of Hamilton’s plan by Washington.
E. their dismissal from the cabinet by Washington.

4. Which of the following is NOT TRUE about when the 2nd Continental Congress convened?
A. delegates attended from all thirteen colonies.
B. the strongest sentiment was for declaring independence from England.
C. it adopted measures to raise money and create an army and navy.
D. it drafted new written appeals to the king.
E. the conservatives remained a strong force.

5. The purpose of the Bill of Rights was
A. to limit the power of the states against individuals.
B. to protect the rights of the states against the federal government.
C. to weaken the central government.
D. to persuade Federalists to support the Constitution.
E. to protect the rights of individuals against the federal government.

6. A major strength of the Articles of Confederation was its
A. control over interstate commerce. D. ability to coin money.
B. strong judicial branch. E. strong executive branch.
C. presentation of the ideal of a unified nation.

7. Congress’ most successful and effective method of financing the War for Independence was
A. printing large amounts of paper money.
B. obtaining grants and loans from France and the Netherlands.
C. levying heavy direct taxes.
D. issuing paper securities backed by the promise of western land grants.
E. appealing to the states for voluntary contributions.

8. One of George Washington’s major accomplishments as president was
A. keeping the nation out of foreign wars.
B. the signing of Jay’s Treaty.
C. his advice against forming permanent alliances with other nations.
D. persuading the British to stop encourage Indian attacks on the frontier.
E. setting the precedent of serving only two terms.

9. The main purpose of the Alien and Sedition Acts was to
A. capture British and French spies.
B. control the Federalists.
C. silence and punish critics of the Federalists.
D. keep Thomas Jefferson from becoming president.
E. keep the High Federalists from impeaching Adams.

10. Thomas Jefferson favored a political system in which
A. the central government possessed a bulk of the power.
B. cities were the primary focus of political activity.
C. a large standing army ensured the peace.
D. the states retained the majority of the political power.
E. manufacturing interests dominated.

Questions for study for Blog Quiz 5

Questions to consider for Blog Quiz 5

Post: Bill of Rights
What was Charles Pinckney’s role in the history of the Bill of Rights?
The Bill of Rights made what group of people the guardians of individual rights against the other branches?
How did privacy end up as a recognized right through the Bill of Rights?
What were the rights Madison proposed that were later rejected?
Which one attempted to limit STATE actions?

Post: Schoolhouse Rock Preamble
Be able to name the six purposes of the Constitution.

Post: I’m just a bill…
What exactly is the proposed law that resulted in Poor Bill?
Where does Bill go first once he gets to Capitol Hill to be reported upon either favorably or unfavorably?

Post: 3 branches of government
To what circus role is the president compared?

Post 4: Excerpt from Federalist #10
What are the main differences between a democracy and a republic, and which one is more desirable, and why?

Post 5- Articles of Confederation
How did the Articles support the concept of states’ rights? Use quotes or examples to support your answer.

Post 6: Weaknesses of the Articles
What were the weaknesses, according to the video?

Post 7: Philosophers
Which philosophers influenced the Constitution, and how?

Post 7: Videos on Articles
Who wrote the Articles?
What specific impact did Shays’ Rebellion have?

And now, let’s sing the Preamble!!!

All together, now! Remember what the six purposes of the Constitution are!